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Eddy Nguyen's avatar

Thanks for the great analysis Cam. Apart from the supply issues, I think the demand side also needs to be addressed. Speaking as an immigrant myself, I don't think it's great for housing affordibility and quality of life overall to import half a million permanent residents per year, most of whom end up in Sydney or Melbourne. New immigrants should be encouraged to settle in less densely populated/regional areas. But I appreciate how politically difficult that would be for any party and politician to do.

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Phil Hayward's avatar

Full marks for noticing what almost no-one does; upzoning makes "house prices" go up, not down. Every single property involved becomes a "site with redevelopment potential" and this sets its price. I have been predicting this for more than a decade; every time more upzoning is done. I predicted that NZ's draconian top-down nationally imposed upzoning circa 2020 would cause the biggest house price inflation yet. On top of an already absurd and disastrous housing affordability situation.

The only thing that changes this wicked paradigm, is liberalization of greenfields land supply, which then flips "urban" economies into a "differential rent" situation instead of an extractive monopoly one. To have differential rent rather than monopoly rent, you need the main resource to be superabundant in supply. This is how it has worked, beneficially, in all goods categories since the era of Karl Marx when he assumed all economic rent was monopoly. Transport system improvements, refrigeration and other technology, and free trade, made the important resources superabundant and the prices of everything "differentially derived" or cost-plus or "with consumer surplus". Automobility clearly did this for housing until the time came that urban planners or other regulators flipped the supply of land for housing back to monopolistic conditions.

The sheer prices paid for greenfields land that is allowed to be developed, actually makes the cost of infrastructure a sideshow. Among the very best land economics literature is from Alan W. Evans, and one of his many insights is that when land pricing is being derived by monopoly rent mechanisms, every cost input other than the land is merely a carve-out from the monopoly gain. So forcing higher payments "for infrastructure" won't make house prices go up; it will make developers bid less for the land. But the land vendors have the extractive powers that will take out any slack well-meaningly created anywhere else in the system.

This whole racket falls over the moment innovative developers are allowed to build "urban" developments on land they paid near to true rural prices for, within effective automobile accessibility to the city. The maths on this is very simple. The automobile in "exurbs" can travel at speeds that render the supply of land for "urban use" truly superabundant. There is no need and no validity of assumption of "paving over paradise" - as soon as urban land prices everywhere are rendered "differentially derived", every form of redevelopment and infill gains a massive leverage of its potential in the affordability of the finished properties. Issi Romem's research showed that in US cities where upzoning was allowed AS WELL AS unrationed greenfields development, infill and redevelopment occurs FASTER than in the cities where infill and redevelopment are assumed to be now "instead of" greenfields development. The resulting overall housing supply is some tenfold more elastic than infill and redevelopment "instead of".

Grimes and Aitken 2010 gave us the perfect one-liner in their conclusion about "instead of" urban economies: "all the profit potential from redevelopment is impounded in the rising price of sites". This is the wedge in "housing supply" that no-one has worked out how to remove - except that because it was put there by anti-sprawl regulations, presumably it could be removed by eliminating those regulations. It is perfectly possible to require the costing in of infrastructure to housing built on greenfields, and still have systemic affordability. This cost add-on is an order of magnitude smaller than the cost of site vendor monopoly rent extraction.

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